On the Anti-Religious Pursuit of Truth
I commend Pope Benedict for acknowledging that agnostics may be “pilgrims of truth, pilgrims of peace” who pursue truth and provide a voice of challenge and critique to both atheists and theists. But let’s not stop there. Militant atheists and people antagonistic towards religion may be on the same journey. The rejection of religion is no more a sign of truth’s abandonment than the embrace of God is a visible mark of truth’s pursuit. Intellectually rigorous minds that are passionately hungry for true knowledge consider the evidence and the arguments and conclude that God doesn’t exist. Pious souls devoted to true faith subconsciously cherish the idea of a loving God as an illusory consolation for a deep-seated and unrecognized dread of death. The false arrival of truth’s pursuit is not theism, agnosticism, or atheism, but a false certainty that brings the movement of the mind to a grinding halt and transforms the humble pursuit into a smug possessiveness. (VN)
Repetition
"Just as people know or feel that advertisements and political platforms must not be necessarily true or right, and yet hear and read them and even let themselves be guided by them, so they accept the traditional values and make them part of their mental equipment. If mass communications blend together harmoniously, and often unnoticeably, art, politics, religion, and philosophy with commercials, they bring these realms of culture to their common denominator—the commodity form. The music of the souls is also the music of salesmanship. Exchange value, not truth value counts. On it centers the rationality of the status quo, and all alien rationality is bent to it."
- From One-Dimensional Man by Herbert Marcuse
Golly, Catholics! Think for Yourselves for a Change
I can only assume that outsiders scratch their scalps in bewilderment
whenever, out of morbid curiosity, they pay a little attention to
debates among Catholics about how authoritative some controversial idea
is. The tiny insignificant squabbles concerning the merits of the idea
often seem to clear the road and make way for the really important
procession: a long royal train of arguments over whether or not an idea
proposed by some self-defined religious authority binds the assent of
all faithful Catholics.
To the outsider, it probably looks like Catholics approach the truth of an idea by 1) debating whether or not they need to get in line and 2) getting in line. This perspective glosses over a lot of nuance and skips over why Catholics recognize the authority of their religious leaders in the first place, but I can’t help but think there’s something to it.
A lot of the inside baseball discussions I’ve had with my fellow Catholics about morality, politics, and so forth have focused on arguments over the authoritativeness of a teaching or on demonstrating that a Catholic cannot hold some position or another without opposing the Church. These are not fruitless discussions to have, but if they comprise the bulk of our debates, then perhaps we're getting sidetracked from matters of more consequence, such as the merits, rational-grounding, and truth of an idea. (VN)
To the outsider, it probably looks like Catholics approach the truth of an idea by 1) debating whether or not they need to get in line and 2) getting in line. This perspective glosses over a lot of nuance and skips over why Catholics recognize the authority of their religious leaders in the first place, but I can’t help but think there’s something to it.
A lot of the inside baseball discussions I’ve had with my fellow Catholics about morality, politics, and so forth have focused on arguments over the authoritativeness of a teaching or on demonstrating that a Catholic cannot hold some position or another without opposing the Church. These are not fruitless discussions to have, but if they comprise the bulk of our debates, then perhaps we're getting sidetracked from matters of more consequence, such as the merits, rational-grounding, and truth of an idea. (VN)
Why Do I Fear a World Political Authority?
I share my co-blogger Mark Gordon's apprehension toward the prospect of a global political and economic authority,
but that shouldn't come as a surprise given my deep-seated
anti-authoritarian personality and ever-suspicious eye for consolidated
power. Mark reasonably figures that "such a body" would "be put at the
service of the multinationals and their retainers in national
governments." If given the right amount of power, this body would sit
in dominion over the nations of the world, at least over select national
affairs. Who watches the Watchmen wouldn't be an uncalled for
question.
Reflecting upon my concern about the idea of a world authority, I am led to wonder if the prospects expressed above are coupled with an inability on my part to imagine the world otherwise than as a sphere of separate nation-states and different people. My Church, which has been promoting a global political authority for some time now, sees the peoples of the world as a singular body, as one. Of course, it recognizes nation-states and other entities of sovereignty, but it doesn't see any one of them in particular as essential to the human being. The Church has a global perspective and then some. Do I? Am I able to see humankind as one and apart from divisions of country, race, ethnicity, tribe, corporation, and family? I'm not sure, not as sure as I want to be.
Anyhow, despite my misgivings, I'm not ready to wave the banner of opposition to a world authority. Perhaps for such an experiment to work in favor of the common good, the political structure of the world would have to change. Perhaps we would first have to shed our national skins and molt into a global people. At present, I cannot conceive how a global authority wouldn't primarily serve the interests of those who already wield too much power, but then cannot I dismiss the prospect as always and everywhere imprudent. Perhaps, at present, the idea best serves as a challenge to humanity to welcome a world politically and economically otherwise than our own, a world in which the common good is pursued in common. (VN)
Reflecting upon my concern about the idea of a world authority, I am led to wonder if the prospects expressed above are coupled with an inability on my part to imagine the world otherwise than as a sphere of separate nation-states and different people. My Church, which has been promoting a global political authority for some time now, sees the peoples of the world as a singular body, as one. Of course, it recognizes nation-states and other entities of sovereignty, but it doesn't see any one of them in particular as essential to the human being. The Church has a global perspective and then some. Do I? Am I able to see humankind as one and apart from divisions of country, race, ethnicity, tribe, corporation, and family? I'm not sure, not as sure as I want to be.
Anyhow, despite my misgivings, I'm not ready to wave the banner of opposition to a world authority. Perhaps for such an experiment to work in favor of the common good, the political structure of the world would have to change. Perhaps we would first have to shed our national skins and molt into a global people. At present, I cannot conceive how a global authority wouldn't primarily serve the interests of those who already wield too much power, but then cannot I dismiss the prospect as always and everywhere imprudent. Perhaps, at present, the idea best serves as a challenge to humanity to welcome a world politically and economically otherwise than our own, a world in which the common good is pursued in common. (VN)
Occupy Wall Street, the Tea Party, and One-Dimensional Thought
![]() |
| Herbert Marcuse |
Herbert Marcuse’s book One-Dimensional
Man, a critique of modern industrial society first published in 1964,
remains an important analysis of social control and the ways in which liberty
can be used as an instrument of domination.
Marcuse understood that control and domination do not necessitate the
threat of force. Equally if not more
effective are forms of control and domination that hide what’s being done and manipulate
people into thinking that they’re perfectly free, doing and thinking for
themselves, when in reality they cannot but think, feel, believe, value, and
aspire in ways validated by the prevailing rationality. Such thinking Marcuse calls
one-dimensional.
Individuals may believe they have freedom because each day presents
them with a wide range of choices, but “the range of choice open to the
individual is not the decisive factor in determining the degree of human
freedom, but what can be chosen and
what is chosen by the
individual.” One may have a free choice
among a wide variety of goods and services, but this free choice “does not
signify freedom if these goods and services sustain social controls over a life
of toil and fear—that is, if they sustain alienation.” People become alienated from themselves and
their true needs when they recognize themselves and find their unique,
personally-identifying meaning in the latest smart-phone, kitchen arrangement,
television show, home theater system, or political ideology. Each
individual may pursue the American dream or its counterpart in a variety of
ways and unique choices, but if the pursuit defines the individual and
represses dissent and critique of the pursuit itself and the sought after prize,
then the individual has only the illusion of freedom and is dominated by those
who dictate the terms of the dream.
This domination is recognizable in the established universe of
discourse, which, Marcuse says, “bears throughout the marks of the specific
modes of domination, organization, and manipulation to which the members of
society are subjected.” People depend
for their living on others, from politicians to neighbors, who make them speak
and mean as they do. “Under these
circumstances, the spoken phrase is an expression of the individual who speaks
it, and of those who make him speak
as he does, and of whatever tension
or contradiction may interrelate them.
In speaking their own language, people also speak the language of their
masters, benefactors, advertisers. Thus
they do not express themselves, their
knowledge, feelings, and aspirations, but also something other than
themselves.” They heavily use without reflection the terms of movies,
news media, advertisements, politicians, best sellers and celebrities to
describe their loves and hates, their dreams and ambitions, their fears and
beliefs. An important political leader
coins a word of phrase, almost immediately that expression receives perpetual
repetition by the leaders in the media, and soon it is on the lips of those
attuned to the established chains of communication, repeated without a second
thought as the rational way to
speak. Don’t call them “rich”— call them “job creators.”
In publically dissenting from and critiquing the prevailing power and
economic structures, protest groups such as Occupy Wall Street and the Tea
Party have the potential to guide society beyond one-dimensional thought and
behavior. To serve in this capacity,
they must not themselves become sources of domination, repression, and alienation—a
danger lurking in any social relationship or group, however loosely tied
together or however ideal its aims. Instead,
they must remain at their core critical
responses to the political and economic establishments and critical promoters of the human person’s true freedom and true
needs. As soon as Occupy Wall Street or
the Tea Party or any other dissident group establishes a replacement “rational”
way of thinking, feeling, believing, valuing, and aspiring, it loses sight of
its critical function and becomes instead just another ready-to-use instrument
of domination, social control, and alienation.
If, instead, they refuse to play this game of uncritical consumerism and,
in their own ways, champion real liberation from the disguised forms of domination
that fuel our political and economic systems and structures of power, they’ll
have done good service.
Not that I’m holding my breath. (VN)
The Manic Pixie Dream Girl Trope
Anita Sarkeesian of Feminist Frequency
has produced an enlightening series of videos analyzing various tropes
in film and television that reduce women to something less than
persons. Her exploration of the Straw Feminist trope is especially good.
The first video in the series examines the Manic Pixie Dream Girl trope. Sarkeesian defines this trope as "a supporting character used to further the storyline of the male hero." According to her, the Manic Pixie "really has no life of her own, she has no family or interests or much of job that we ever see. She is as the AVclub describes, 'On hand to lift a gloomy male protagonist out of the doldrums, not to pursue her own happiness.' All of these male characters find a Manic Pixie to help them out of their depressed, uptight and doom and gloom state so that they can be happy functioning members of society again."
The male characters highlighted in the video include among others the protagonists of 500 Days of Summer, Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind, and Garden State, three films told from a less-than-grown-up, yearning-for-love adult male perspective. I can see something of the manic pixie personality in the films' lead female characters, but they don't exemplify the trope as Anita Sarkeesian describes it.
Summer Finn in 500 Days of Summer has her own life and long-term interests apart from Tom, and her desire to be herself is precisely the conflict that propels the drama. She doesn't help Tom become a happy functioning member of society; his attempts to make her into someone she isn't cause him seemingly no end of angst and sadness. He longs for love; she doesn't believe in it.
Clementine in Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind is certainly manic, but she too rebels against the men in her life treating her as a comforting thing. "Too many guys think I'm a concept, or I complete them, or I'm gonna make them alive. But I'm just a fucked-up girl who's lookin' for my own peace of mind; don't assign me yours," she tells Joel, the male lead.
I can maybe kinda-sorta see the Manic Pixie in Natalie Portman's character Sam in Garden State, and yet she, the quintessential Manic Pixie according to Anita Sarkeesian, is given a family and history and interests beyond guiding the "angsty, emo Andrew Largeman" out of his depression.
Anyhow, there is, to be sure, such a trope as the Manic Pixie Dream Girl, but these three fictional women don't serve as examples. I haven't seen Elizabethtown or the other films the video highlights, so I can't speak to those. (VN)
The first video in the series examines the Manic Pixie Dream Girl trope. Sarkeesian defines this trope as "a supporting character used to further the storyline of the male hero." According to her, the Manic Pixie "really has no life of her own, she has no family or interests or much of job that we ever see. She is as the AVclub describes, 'On hand to lift a gloomy male protagonist out of the doldrums, not to pursue her own happiness.' All of these male characters find a Manic Pixie to help them out of their depressed, uptight and doom and gloom state so that they can be happy functioning members of society again."
The male characters highlighted in the video include among others the protagonists of 500 Days of Summer, Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind, and Garden State, three films told from a less-than-grown-up, yearning-for-love adult male perspective. I can see something of the manic pixie personality in the films' lead female characters, but they don't exemplify the trope as Anita Sarkeesian describes it.
Summer Finn in 500 Days of Summer has her own life and long-term interests apart from Tom, and her desire to be herself is precisely the conflict that propels the drama. She doesn't help Tom become a happy functioning member of society; his attempts to make her into someone she isn't cause him seemingly no end of angst and sadness. He longs for love; she doesn't believe in it.
Clementine in Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind is certainly manic, but she too rebels against the men in her life treating her as a comforting thing. "Too many guys think I'm a concept, or I complete them, or I'm gonna make them alive. But I'm just a fucked-up girl who's lookin' for my own peace of mind; don't assign me yours," she tells Joel, the male lead.
I can maybe kinda-sorta see the Manic Pixie in Natalie Portman's character Sam in Garden State, and yet she, the quintessential Manic Pixie according to Anita Sarkeesian, is given a family and history and interests beyond guiding the "angsty, emo Andrew Largeman" out of his depression.
Anyhow, there is, to be sure, such a trope as the Manic Pixie Dream Girl, but these three fictional women don't serve as examples. I haven't seen Elizabethtown or the other films the video highlights, so I can't speak to those. (VN)
The Drones Aren't Going to Get Me
Conor Friedersdorf admonishes us U.S. citizens for our failure to speak out against or even care about the C.I.A.'s secretive drone program:
It reflects poorly on Congress and the citizenry itself that we permit the executive branch to kill people, including innocents, sans the safeguards necessary to prevent illegal and immoral acts from being perpetrated in our names, or even demanding that we know what is being done. Our inattention is partly due to gross civic negligence -- we're okay punishing innocent civilians in other countries for the behavior of the authoritarian regimes they live under, but don't trouble ourselves to insist on knowing what exactly our government is doing -- and partly to cowardice, a feeling that we'll be safer if we continue to operate on what Dick Cheney called "the dark side," even if we aren't willing to fully confront what it means. In fact, America ought to affirm its ideals and its constitutional safeguards even if it makes us marginally more vulnerable to a terrorist attack, but it is far from clear that our present course does make us safer.Conor's not wrong about our moral responsibility, but I'm afraid to say that he hopes for more from us than what we're currently capable of giving. We're so wrapped up in our daily routines, our ideologies, and our fixation on consuming the latest technologies that we don't expect or desire ourselves, one another, or even presidential candidates to have a minimally basic knowledge of what our foreign policy means in terms of tears and blood. But even if we all did know the full human cost of our war on terror, would we care? More likely we'd ignore it or justify it. When atrocities happen to us, we never forget. When they happen to others, even in our name...well, there's a World Series on TV. And we are safe in our homes.(VN)
[...]
How pretty it would be if we could escape the necessity of making moral judgments by pretending that, so long as they occur under the designation "top secret," we aren't ultimately responsible. But ours is a government by the people. As just war theory affirms, killing innocents is in rare circumstances morally defensible, the lesser of moral evils, but America is going much farther than that; and justified or not, the blood is on all of our hands.
Fixing the Economy—In the Direction of a Moral Approach
“Self-disciple, a sense of justice, honesty, fairness, chivalry, moderation, public spirit, respect for human dignity, firm ethical norms—all of these are things which people must possess before they go to market and compete with each other.”- Wilhelm Röpke, A Humane Economy
To hear the loudest voices playing
the proverbial blame game of thrones tell it, the people most wrecking havoc on
our economy are the greedy super rich hording wealth with no care for the
social consequences or the envious lazy poor seeking handouts with no thought
to their personal responsibility. These
accusations of vice simplify the cause of the crisis far too much—though I dare
say one group has an itsy-bitsy shred more influence on the economy than the
other—but the accusers on both sides of the debate are not altogether wrong
about what ails us. Vice thrives in our economic
system. More to the point, we collectively encourage vicious behavior
from both the haves and the have-nots.
For the free market to work justly, it
must reward and encourage virtue, and it must be situated in a higher moral
framework. Our approach to the market doesn’t often offer such rewards
and encouragements, and as a rule, we don’t give thirty nickels for social
justice. Aside from our widespread devotion to materialism and
consumerism, we as a society largely define success as the maximum attainment
of profits by any legal means necessary.
We incentivize not the production of quality products for the betterment
of all, but rather the pursuit of wealth at any cost. We too little prize
social responsibility, respect for the dignity of workers, or the preservation
of the environment. As a matter of principle and course, we forget the
universal destination of goods in our mad chase after the golden apple. Put simply: our economic behavior is morally
disordered. This disorder is the fault
of us all, though I dare say some bear a teenie-weenie bit more responsibility
for it than others.
Shall We Say Pistols at Dawn? Said the Slippery Slope
Arguably among the web's sharpest and most disciplined minds, Brandon of the blog Siris suggests that slippery slope arguments are a kind of challenge:
Unlike Berkeley's challenge, which is inquisitive, asking the interlocutor to perform an inquiry to answer a particular question, slippery slope arguments are admonitive, asking the interlocutor to show that a likely bad result can be avoided. I think this is true even of the causal version: the emphasis of the argument is not on "This may well lead to that" but on "Show me that this won't lead to that given that it looks like it might". The whole point of a slippery slope argument is to raise a warning flag. This flag can be raised with varying degrees of confidence; but it's a warning of something bad that seems to be reason to object to a position, and the arguer is insisting on the need to address it. And the possible responses are to argue (1) that the warning flag is misguided, i.e., that the apparently bad outcome is not bad at all; or (2) that there is a genuinely significant difference between this case and that case. Which, of course, are the kinds of responses reasonable people undertake when responding to slippery slope arguments.
Our Shallow Beliefs and Opinions
This video of an interview with a pitiably clueless Occupy Wall Street protester has
been making the rounds as a judgment upon the protesters’ lack of
thought and comprehension of politics and the economy, but it really
speaks more to the usual basis of most everyone’s beliefs and opinions.
Most people form beliefs and opinions about complex matters not after countless hours of precise study and careful argumentation, but rather because they’ve heard someone they trust promote the idea, or because they’ve been told they should hold the idea as a member of a community, or because the idea sounds true or feels right.
Engage a random Catholic about the meaning of dogma, or a random abortion rights advocate about the content of Roe v. Wade, or a random American about the Constitution, and chances are you’ll get an incoherent and unsupported answer. Ideally, yes, we should thoroughly understand the beliefs and opinions we repeat, but no one has the time to do the research in support of every held belief and opinion. Even the young John Connor couldn’t explain to the Terminator why it was wrong to kill people. “You just can’t” was all the answer he could muster.
Now, having said all that, if you’re going to promote your ideas in a public forum, you really should have at least some stock arguments at your disposal. Otherwise, you look like an idiot and help your cause lose credibility. (VN)
Most people form beliefs and opinions about complex matters not after countless hours of precise study and careful argumentation, but rather because they’ve heard someone they trust promote the idea, or because they’ve been told they should hold the idea as a member of a community, or because the idea sounds true or feels right.
Engage a random Catholic about the meaning of dogma, or a random abortion rights advocate about the content of Roe v. Wade, or a random American about the Constitution, and chances are you’ll get an incoherent and unsupported answer. Ideally, yes, we should thoroughly understand the beliefs and opinions we repeat, but no one has the time to do the research in support of every held belief and opinion. Even the young John Connor couldn’t explain to the Terminator why it was wrong to kill people. “You just can’t” was all the answer he could muster.
Now, having said all that, if you’re going to promote your ideas in a public forum, you really should have at least some stock arguments at your disposal. Otherwise, you look like an idiot and help your cause lose credibility. (VN)
Political Satire Done Brilliantly
The most impressive political satire, in my estimation, is that which appeals to people across the political spectrum. The video below exemplifies this rare feat. I've shown it to friends who both support and despise Elizabeth Warren's social philosophy, and they all laughed with equal mirth and appreciation. Enjoy!
Hermeneutics and the Baby Whisperer
My wife kindly asked me to read Secrets of the Baby Whisperer so that I would better understand and be able to help with some new sleeping routines for our infant daughter that she wanted to try. Being the respectful and obedient husband that I am, I didn't ask why, just complied, and dutifully started reading the Baby Whisperer's advice to parents--in between my dips into other tomes I'm currently working through.
Secrets of the Baby Whisperer is by no stretch of meaning a book of academic philosophy, but its author, Tracy Hogg, focused as she is on the practical how of interpreting the coos, gestures, and cries of babies, speaks profoundly about the process of interpretation generally. I was particularly fascinated by her discovery that instituting a simply routine of activity that both parent and baby understand and expect establishes a framework for interpreting what the baby is trying to say. A parent begins to discern the difference between cries that mean "I'm tired" from cries that mean "I'm hungry" or "I'm overstimulated" because the baby learns to communicate within the context of the routine. The baby forms habits of expression, varying the noises based on the need, and the parent learns how to differentiate between baby expressions that sound almost alike but convey very different significance.
There's a "hermeneutic" lesson here: the construction and institution of an artificial framework--in this case a routine of eating, activity, and sleep--make possible the communication and interpretation of meaning.
Secrets of the Baby Whisperer is by no stretch of meaning a book of academic philosophy, but its author, Tracy Hogg, focused as she is on the practical how of interpreting the coos, gestures, and cries of babies, speaks profoundly about the process of interpretation generally. I was particularly fascinated by her discovery that instituting a simply routine of activity that both parent and baby understand and expect establishes a framework for interpreting what the baby is trying to say. A parent begins to discern the difference between cries that mean "I'm tired" from cries that mean "I'm hungry" or "I'm overstimulated" because the baby learns to communicate within the context of the routine. The baby forms habits of expression, varying the noises based on the need, and the parent learns how to differentiate between baby expressions that sound almost alike but convey very different significance.
There's a "hermeneutic" lesson here: the construction and institution of an artificial framework--in this case a routine of eating, activity, and sleep--make possible the communication and interpretation of meaning.
Those Who Benefit from Corporations Should Still Criticize Them
If you spend much time in these here interweb parts, you’ve probably
come across this photograph of Occupy Wall Street protesters that’s been
cleverly illustrated to highlight their supposed hypocrisy in speaking out
against the very corporations that make their protestations possible. Hey, look, that one’s talking on a cell
phone made by Samsung! And that other
one—why now, he’s wearing a shirt he got at Gap! These silly protesters—don’t they realize all
the benefits and necessities brought to them by evil, greedy corporations?
I’m willing to bet my Samsung flip-phone they do. More to the point, there’s nothing
hypocritical about directing ire towards corporations while also benefiting
from those corporations. Simple reason,
really. Our economic landscape has a
predominantly corporatist makeup and power structure. For better and for worse, we cannot meet our
vital needs and wants without corporations.
Corporations provide us with food, clothing, shelter, transportation,
communication, healthcare, tools of education, etc. Unless the Occupy Wall
Street folks can as individuals produce clothing fabric and make their own
shirts, shoes, pants, and underwear, they’d have to show up on the streets in
their birthday suits (and without having cleaned and groomed themselves) if
they were to protest corporations while not simultaneously benefiting from
them. Sure, they’d get more coverage on
Fox News for such displays, but exposing themselves to the elements wouldn’t
much benefit their cause.
Because corporations provide us with our needs and wants, and because
we pretty much have no choice but to rely on them, they have power over us, and
when that power is exercised with minute or egregious injustice, we suffer no
hypocrisy for criticizing them as particular entities or as a whole. (VN)
That Secret Death Panel
By now, dear readers, I dearly hope you have heard news of this report from Reuters about a secret panel of government officials and its power to compose, keep, and act upon a kill or capture list. Mark Hosenball writes: “There
is no public record of the operations or decisions of the panel, which is a
subset of the White House's National Security Council, several current and
former officials said. Neither is there any law establishing its existence or
setting out the rules by which it is supposed to operate.” Apparently the
recently assassinated al-Awlaki was the first American put on this list, and,
related to this, “one of the reasons for making senior officials principally
responsible for nominating Americans for the target list was to ‘protect’ the
president.”
I am grateful that news about this panel and its alleged operations has come out now, before it solidifies into permanent standard procedure that we all just accept, with cognitive dissonance dripping out of our ears, as the price to pay for living in a free society in the time of terror. If we continue down this road, if we give President Obama (and others) a pass because we think him less frightening overall than his soon-to-be-decided challenger, and if we don’t insist on some clear time-tested standards of liberty, transparency, and accountability, then we will someday lose even minimal control over this grand experiment we call the United States.
Today a secret panel decides if an alleged terrorist merits an extra-judicial death sentence; tomorrow…who knows how this power will expand? Government powers have a way of being applied beyond the scope for which they were originally established. News of this panel isn’t time for “yeah, but” resignations; it’s time for speaking out and exercising what political power we possess. (VN)
I am grateful that news about this panel and its alleged operations has come out now, before it solidifies into permanent standard procedure that we all just accept, with cognitive dissonance dripping out of our ears, as the price to pay for living in a free society in the time of terror. If we continue down this road, if we give President Obama (and others) a pass because we think him less frightening overall than his soon-to-be-decided challenger, and if we don’t insist on some clear time-tested standards of liberty, transparency, and accountability, then we will someday lose even minimal control over this grand experiment we call the United States.
Today a secret panel decides if an alleged terrorist merits an extra-judicial death sentence; tomorrow…who knows how this power will expand? Government powers have a way of being applied beyond the scope for which they were originally established. News of this panel isn’t time for “yeah, but” resignations; it’s time for speaking out and exercising what political power we possess. (VN)
Teaching Kant
Brandon Watson explains some of the difficulties:
An intelligent student can always ask questions that I can't answer without going back to the full text of Kant and working through the problem step by step. And it takes only a survey of lectures notes on the web to realize that on even an elementary pedagogical issue like how the categorical imperative relates to the Golden Rule (which everyone already recognizes), students are repeatedly told incorrect things. Occasionally, they are told that the categorical imperative essentially is the Golden Rule. That's wrong. Sometimes they are told that Kant criticizes the Golden Rule, and rejects it entirely as an ethical principle. That's even more wrong. (What he actually does is look very briefly at a principle proposed by Thomasius as covering the duties of justice, which looks very like a Silver Rule formulation, and simply says that it can't be a categorical imperative in Kant's sense, which ends up being a pretty obvious point given that, as Kant notes, there are duties to which it doesn't apply.) What makes it even more wrong is that it shows a complete failure to understand Kant's mind to think that he would ever contradict Jesus so baldly. Kant, the ultimate mix of Enlightenment and Lutheran pietism, is a very pro-Jesus philosopher; he just thinks that Jesus should be interpreted in such a way as to be a Kantian. Reading him as explicitly contradicting Jesus -- and there are plenty that do -- is not just wrong, it is incompetent. But, again, it's not as if Kant makes himself easy to teach. The real issue is not that there's so much misinformation, because that's hardly avoidable with Kant at the introductory level; the surprise is when anyone manages to convey anything at all.
Is Human Life Really Inviolable?
Moral philosophers and theologians sometimes speak of the inviolability
of human life, by which they mean that human life has such a high value that to
act against it in a way that harms it or destroys it constitutes a
violation. Whether this violation always
qualifies as unlawful or unjust has been a matter of much debate. Massive amounts of ink have been spilt to
demarcate the line between lawful and unlawful killing, and the line has often
been drawn between the killing of the innocent or righteous and the killing of
the guilty. You won’t find many people
who would call murder just, and absolute pacifists are as rare as socialist
conventions in Lubbock.
Peacenik that I am, I cannot bring myself to condemn every taking of
human life. On the other hand, I cannot
escape the nagging thought that the violation resulting from the act of killing
must always be an evil. If a just
response to life means giving life what it is due, and if human life is
inviolably due promotion, support, respect, and nourishment, then to violate
life by taking it, for whatever reason, is to act contrary to what is due to
human life and therefore to act unjustly.
St. Thomas Aquinas disagreed, arguing that man can be considered both
in himself and in relation to the common good. While considering man in himself leads to the
conclusion that killing any man is unlawful, considering man in relation to the
common good reveals that killing can become lawful if it’s done in relation to
the common good. In one sense, I
understand this analysis. Different
standpoints of considering the same object will often lead to different
conclusions about that object.
Nevertheless, I don’t see how bringing the common good into the total
consideration removes the obligation of respect due to the inviolability of
human life. Killing a human being for
the sake of the common good is still killing a human being whose life is
inviolable. The life doesn’t lose the
property of inviolability just because one has good reason to take the
life. In this analysis, it would appear
that human life, valuable though it may be, is not really inviolable, at least
not in a way of much significance. A
weak inviolability, maybe?
The violability of human life
is further illustrated by the demarcation between the killing of the innocent
or righteous and the killing of the guilty.
If the killing of the former is always wrong and the killing of the
latter may be right, then it would seem that inviolability is not a property of
human life itself, but rather a property
of contingent aspects or qualities of human life—innocence and
righteousness. No violation necessarily
results from executing a serial killer or taking out a terrorist because these
human beings are not worthy of the lives they live. Their lives are not inviolable. If this is the case, then human life isn’t
really inviolable, not in itself, at least not in a very meaningful way.
I tend toward the view that human life itself is inviolable, and that
while taking someone’s life may be justified, there remains an element of evil
in every act of killing. Killing is always
wrong, even when it’s right. This is an
odd thing for me to say. Perhaps my
thinking here is mistaken, confused, or fallacious. Or perhaps moral thought itself cannot make
coherent sense of killing. (VN)
The Development of Doctrine in a Nutshell
"I am unaware of the Church ever retracting documents. We don’t retract. We hermeneuticize!"
- Brett Salkeld
If the Magisterium needed a motto, this would serve. It would also make for a very funny SNL or Monty Python skit.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)






